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Local infrastructures and global crises in the remote Arctic: implications for the EU arctic policy

GDI Briefing - 29. Juni 2022 - 12:27

The COVID-19 pandemic and the climate crises are both revealing resilience and inequalities in the Arctic region.
These inequalities are manifold, and many relate to infrastructure – either lack of or unequal, not cultural-appropriate access to them in a remote context.
Infrastructure can provide an overarching framework for policymaking in the Arctic, also for the EU.
The EU should consider the relevance of the local level more strategically and link this relevance to infrastructure issues

Kategorien: english

Digital administration to strengthen resilience

GIZ Germany - 29. Juni 2022 - 10:59
: Fri, 24 Jun 2022 HH:mm:ss
Digital public infrastructures contribute to greater transparency and respect for human rights. A global alliance is committed to establishing these systems.
Kategorien: english

Ini Peran Penting Perempuan dalam Rangka Mendukung Isu Transisi Energi

#C20 18 - 29. Juni 2022 - 5:54

Tribratanews.polri.go.id – Deputi Bidang Kesetaraan Gender Kementerian Pemberdayaan Perempuan dan Perlindungan Anak (KemenPPPA), Lenny N. Rosalin mengatakan perempuan memiliki peranan penting dalam mendukung isu transisi energi yang merupakan salah satu pilar dalam Presidensi G20 Indonesia.

“Selain sebagai pengguna energi, perempuan juga merupakan pahlawan hijau. Perempuan bisa kita dorong untuk turut berperan aktif menciptakan sumber energi alternatif yang lebih aman, terjangkau, dan memiliki multiplier effect yang positif,” ujar Lenny dalam Konsultasi Publik C20 secara hybrid.

Lenny mengatakan kesenjangan dari pekerjaan yang tidak dibayar atau unpaid care work juga mengakibatkan perempuan harus menanggung dampak dari penggunaan energi tradisional. Data World Health Organization (WHO) menyebutkan sekitar 4 juta orang di dunia meninggal sebelum waktunya akibat polusi udara di tingkat rumah tangga. Hal ini berpengaruh besar terhadap perempuan, terutama yang melakukan pekerjaan di dalam rumah tangga atau tugas domestik.

Selain perlu adanya upaya untuk menurunkan prevalensi orang yang meninggal dunia akibat polusi udara di tingkat rumah tangga, Lenny menilai pentingnya mengatur konsumsi energi yang lebih ramah lingkungan, terutama di lingkungan rumah tangga.

“Penggunaan energi yang bersih di tingkat rumah tangga akan memberikan dampak positif pada kesehatan keluarga. Sebelumnya anak-anak belajar dengan memanfaatkan lampu minyak, sedangkan sekarang sudah menggunakan listrik. Artinya kita juga memberikan kesempatan bagi mereka untuk belajar dengan kondisi yang lebih baik dan kita berkontribusi pada generasi masa depan,” tutur Lenny.

Selain itu, Lenny mengatakan penggunaan akses listrik juga dapat meningkatkan produktivitas perempuan. Pasalnya, waktu yang sebelumnya dialokasikan untuk mencari kayu bakar dapat digunakan untuk aktivitas lain yang lebih produktif.

Dalam kesempatan yang sama, Co-Chair Civil 20, Aryanto Nugroho menerangkan isu transisi energi tetap dibarengi dengan pendekatan Gender Equality, Disability, and Social Inclusion (GEDSI) agar tidak menimbulkan dampak negatif bagi perempuan, anak, dan kelompok rentan lainnya.

“Kita ambil contoh transisi energi fosil menjadi energi terbarukan, misalnya panel surya. Transisi ke panel surya ini tentunya membutuhkan teknologi atau baterai lithium yang berasal dari bahan tambang nikel. Otomatis akan ada pembukaan tambang nikel, smelter, pabrik baterai, pabrik mobil listrik, dan lain-lain. Pihak yang paling rentan dari semua proses transisi ini adalah perempuan, anak, maupun kelompok rentan lainnya sehingga transisi energi membutuhkan pendekatan GEDSI dalam perjalanannya,” pungkas Aryanto.

Source: Tribratanews.polri.go.id

Kategorien: english, Ticker

C20 mengajak filantropi meningkatkan kontribusi SDG’s

#C20 18 - 29. Juni 2022 - 5:51

“Intinya dalam konteks Indonesia, kita memiliki potensi yang sangat besar dan dinamika masyarakat sipil tumbuh dengan sangat cepat.”

ANTARA – Terkonfirmasi melalui banyak laporan sustainable development goals (SDG’s) bahwa untuk tahun kedua berturut-turut, dunia belum membuat kemajuan apa pun. Ini menyoroti bahwa situasi ini dalam dua tahun terakhir telah mengakibatkan kemunduran besar akibat pandemi.

Meski pandemi masih ada, masih ada krisis kemanusiaan dan bencana hadir, akan tetapi itu tidak berarti bahwa kita harus pesimis, justru kita harus percaya bahwa kita bisa bangkit dari ini.

Pada Kamis-Jumat (23-24/6) kemarin diadakan SDG’s and Humanitarian Working Group International Multistakeholders dengan pembahasan utama “re-thinking G20 commitment on the interconnected SDG’s-Humanitarian Nexus in the post-pandemic world”, di Mercure Hotel, Jakarta. 

SDG’s and Humanitarian Working Group adalah salah satu platform di bawah Civil 20 (C20) Forum. C20 fORUM adalah forum wadah organisasi masyarakat sipil dari seluruh dunia untuk terlibat dengan para pemerintah di G20 dalam menghadapi isu-isu krusial di dunia saat ini. C20 menyatukan masyarakat sipil untuk memberikan pengaruh pada G20.

Selain Working Group (WG) diskusi ini, ada pula WG lain untuk gender dan ketimpangan, pendidikan, digitalisasi, antikorupsi dan keuangan, vaksin, iklim dan semua isu prioritas.

Kepresidenan Indonesia di G20 memiliki slogan: Recover Together, Recover Stronger, ini salah satu bukti semangat sebagai pesan utama bahwa terlepas dari semua pencapaian melalui vaksin COVID-19 dan intervensi lainnya, bagaimanapun, dunia masih belum sepenuhnya pulih. Tujuan diadakannya diskusi ini adalah policy brief yang akan dibuat dan digabungkan dengan WG lainnya untuk dijadikan masukan dalam policy final rekomendasi untuk draf  G20.

Arif Haryono selaku General Manager of Advocacy and Strategic Alliance Dompet Dhuafa sebagai salah satu speaker di forum diskusi C20 memaparkan, meningkatkan kontribusi filantropi dalam SDG’s Blended dengan pembiayaan dari jalur penerimaan pajak dalam negeri, meminjam dari pembangunan internasional, dan meminjam dari pasar modal swasta internasional. 

Dalam laporan tahun 2021 tetapi dirilis pada tahun 2022, Forum Zakat mengumpulkan data bahwa 147 anggota berkontribusi dalam SDG’s, peran zakat dalam SDGs fokus pada pendidikan, nol kelaparan dan nol kemiskinan. Memperbaiki interkoneksi antara SDG’s dan hubungan kemanusiaan, tetapi juga menempatkan topik ini ke dalam konteks G20. 

Tidak hanya mengidentifikasi kesenjangan dalam keuangan tetapi juga masalah-masalah yang menantang dalam krisis kemanusiaan perspektif Indonesia terhadap krisis global Perang Ukraina salah satunya. Melihat krisis situasi untuk menemukan pemahaman yang lebih baik. 

Dompet Dhuafa melalui zakat, infaq, sedekah, dan wakaf mendukung salah satunya peternakan dan lain-lain agar mereka dapat meningkatkan nilai dan harga mereka yang juga dapat mengarah untuk membangun pertanian mereka sendiri dan tumbuh lebih besar. 

Dalam rangka pencapaian target SDG’s layanan-penyelamatan hidup darurat, hak-hak dasar, pemberdayaan-penguatan kapasitas, pengurangan kemiskinan, meminimalkan kesetaraan, pembangunan, mata pencaharian, kesejahteraan, advokasi-pemenuhan hak akses.

“Intinya dalam konteks Indonesia, kita memiliki potensi yang sangat besar dan dinamika masyarakat sipil tumbuh dengan sangat cepat. Namun, karena peraturan yang ketat dapat menyebabkan hambatan dan kemunduran untuk target SDG’s kita,” kata Arif Haryono selaku General Manager of Advocacy and Strategic Alliance Dompet Dhuafa..

Source: Antaranews.com

Kategorien: english, Ticker

C20 Ajak Filantropi Tingkatkan Kontribusi Dalam SDGs Hadapi Krisis Kemanusiaan

#C20 18 - 29. Juni 2022 - 5:45

Investor.id – Terkonfirmasi melalui banyak laporan SDG’s bahwa untuk tahun kedua berturut-turut, dunia belum membuat kemajuan apa pun. Ini menyoroti bahwa situasi ini dalam 2 tahun terakhir telah mengakibatkan kemunduran besar akibat pandemi. Meski pandemi masih ada, masih ada krisis kemanusiaan dan bencana hadir akan tetapi itu tidak berarti bahwa kita harus pesimis, justru kita harus percaya bahwa kita bisa bangkit dari ini.

Pada Kamis-Jumat (23-24/6) kemarin diadakan SDGs and Humanitarian Working Group International Multistakeholders dengan pembahasan utama “re-thinking G20 commitment on the interconnected SDGs-Humanitarian Nexus in the post-pandemic world”di Mercure Hotel, Jakarta.

SDGs and Humanitarian Working Group adalah salah satu platform di bawah Civil 20 Forum. Selain Working Group (WG) diskusi ini adapula WG lain untuk gender dan ketimpangan, pendidikan, digitalisasi, anti-korupsi dan keuangan, vaksin, iklim dan semua isu prioritas.

Kepresidenan Indonesia di G20 memiliki slogan: Recover Together, Recover Stronger, ini salah satu bukti semangat sebagai pesan utama bahwa terlepas dari semua pencapaian melalui vaksin Covid-19 dan intervensi lainnya, bagaimanapun, dunia masih belum sepenuhnya pulih. Tujuan diadakannya diskusi ini adalah Policy brief yang akan dibuat dan digabungkan dengan WG lainnya untuk dijadikan masukan dalam Policy final Rekomendasi untuk Draf G20.

Arif Haryono selaku General Manager of Advocacy and Strategic Alliance, Dompet Dhuafa sebagai salah satu speaker di forum diskusi C20 menjelaskan, meningkatkan kontribusi Filantropi dalam SDGs blended dengan pembiayaan dari jalur penerimaan pajak dalam negeri, meminjam dari pembangunan internasional, dan meminjam dari pasar modal swasta internasional.

Dalam laporan tahun 2021 tetapi dirilis pada tahun 2022, Forum Zakat mengumpulkan data bahwa 147 anggota berkontribusi dalam SDGs, peran Zakat dalam SDGs: Fokus pada pendidikan, Nol kelaparan & nol kemiskinan.”

Memperbaiki interkoneksi antara SDGs dan kerhubungan kemanusiaan, tetapi juga menempatkan ini topik ke dalam konteks G20. Tidak hanya mengidentifikasi kesenjangan dalam keuangan tetapi juga masalah-masalah yang menantang dalam krisis kemanusiaan perspektif Indonesia terhadap krisis global Perang Ukraina salah satunya. Melihat krisis situasi untuk menemukan pemahaman yang lebih baik.

“Dompet Dhuafa melalui Zakat, Infaq, Sedekah dan Wakaf mendukung salah satunya peternakan dll agar mereka dapat meningkatkan nilai dan harga mereka yang juga dapat mengarah untuk membangun pertanian mereka sendiri dan tumbuh lebih besar,” kata Arif Haryono.

Dalam rangka pencapaian target SDGs: layanan penyelamatan hidup darurat, hak-hak dasar, pemberdayaan dan penguatan kapasitas, pengurangan kemiskinan, meminimalkan kesetaraan, Pembangunan – mata pencaharian, kesejahteraan, Advokasi dan pemenuhan hak akses.

“Intinya dalam konteks Indonesia, kita memiliki potensi yang sangat besar dan dinamika masyarakat sipil tumbuh dengan sangat cepat. Namun, karena peraturan yang ketat dapat menyebabkan hambatan dan kemunduran untuk target SDGs kita,” kata Arif Haryono selaku General Manager of Advocacy and Strategic Alliance, Dompet Dhuafa.

Source: Investor.id

Kategorien: english, Ticker

Aktivis Perempuan: Pentingnya Perjuangan Gender dan Inklusi Dalam Forum G-20

#C20 18 - 29. Juni 2022 - 5:41

konde.co – Indonesia bakal punya perhelatan forum ekonomi dunia G-20 di Bali pada November 2022 mendatang. Para aktivis perempuan mengajak publik untuk memanfaatkan forum ini untuk memperjuangkan gender dan inklusivitas sejumlah aktivis perempuan menyatakan, sebagai negara yang memegang Presidensi G20, Indonesia perlu memanfaatkan momen G-20 untuk mengajak seluruh dunia agar bersama-sama mencapai pemulihan yang lebih kuat dan berkelanjutan

Ini untuk pertama kalinya, Indonesia memegang Presidensi Group of 20 (G20), forum kerja sama 20 Ekonomi utama dunia. Periode Presidensi Indonesia berlangsung selama satu tahun, mulai 1 Desember 2021 hingga 30 November 2022. Serah terima keketuaan, atau handover, berlangsung pada KTT G20 di Roma, Italia, pada tanggal 31 Oktober 2021 dari PM Mario Draghi (Presidensi Italia) kepada Presiden Joko Widodo.

Dilansir dari website Kemlu.go.id, G20 adalah forum internasional yang fokus pada koordinasi kebijakan di bidang ekonomi dan pembangunan. G20 merepresentasikan kekuatan ekonomi dan politik dunia, dengan komposisi anggotanya mencakup 80% PDB dunia, 75% ekspor global, dan 60% populasi global. Anggota-anggota G20 terdiri atas 19 negara dan 1 kawasan, yaitu: Argentina, Australia, Brasil, Kanada, Republik Rakyat Tiongkok (RRT), Prancis, Jerman, India, Indonesia, Italia, Jepang, Republik Korea, Meksiko, Rusia, Arab Saudi, Afrika Selatan, Turki, Inggris, Amerika Serikat, dan Uni Eropa.

Sebagai salah satu kelompok yang terlibat dalam G20, Civil20 (C20) menjadi wadah organisasi masyarakat sipil dari seluruh dunia untuk terlibat bersama pemerintah dalam memberikan pengaruh terhadap penyelesaian isu-isu krusial di dunia melalui forum G20 terutama dalam 3 isu prioritas utama yang diusung, yaitu arsitektur kesehatan global, transisi energi berkelanjutan, serta transformasi digital dan ekonomi.

Beberapa isu perempuan menjadi bagian yang harus diperhatikan selama Presidensi G20 di Indonesia seperti isu ketimpangan ekonomi bagi perempuan, termasuk ketimpangan sektor tenaga kerja bagi perempuan.

Data di Indonesia menunjukkan sebanyak 35,07 persen dari 270,2 juta penduduk Indonesia merupakan perempuan berusia produktif dengan tingkat partisipasi angkatan kerja perempuan lebih rendah dibandingkan laki-laki. Tidak hanya itu, kekerasan berbasis gender dan diskriminasi terhadap perempuan masih menjadi permasalahan yang belum bisa dientaskan sampai saat ini.

Organisasi kesehatan dunia, WHO menyebut, satu dari tiga perempuan di dunia pernah mengalami kekerasan. Mengutip data dari Komnas Perempuan, mengatakan tahun lalu hampir 300 ribu laporan kasus kekerasan terhadap perempuan. Jumlah tersebut kemungkinan dapat bertambah karena banyak korban yang tidak melapor atau tidak memiliki akses untuk melapor. Dengan data tersebut, dapat terlihat betapa pentingnya upaya penghapusan diskriminasi dalam mencapai kesetaraan gender.

Sekjend Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia (KPI) melihat situasi tersebut dapat dikatakan bahwa pembangunan kesetaraan gender masih menjadi pekerjaan rumah yang serius, dan forum G20 menjadi sangat strategis untuk terus mengupayakan pengarusutamaan perspektif Gender Equality Disability and Social Inclusion (GEDSI) dalam berbagai sektor dan isu yang dibahas oleh pemerintah, masyarakat sipil dan pihak swasta.

Aktivis Perempuan dalam Gender Equality Working Group
Gender Equality Working Group (GEWG) adalah jaringan perempuan dan masyarakat sipil di Indonesia yang kemudian mengusung 3 isu prioritas, yaitu keadilan ekonomi untuk perempuan dengan pendekatan kesetaraan gender dan inklusi sosial dalam forum ini.

Sebagai salah satu pihak yang terlibat dalam G20, Civil20 (C20) menjadi wadah organisasi masyarakat sipil dari seluruh dunia untuk terlibat bersama pemerintah dalam memberikan pengaruh terhadap penyelesaian isu-isu krusial di dunia melalui forum G20, mereka akan berperan sebagai penghubung antara masyarakat sipil dengan para pembuat kebijakan di G20 agar suara masyarakat, terutama mereka yang selama ini tereksklusi dapat tersampaikan secara lebih efektif.

C20 sepakat dengan tiga isu prioritas Presidensi G20, yaitu transisi energi, pemulihan kesehatan dunia dan perbaikan ekonomi. Namun, C20 akan tetap aktif membawa isu penting dan khas masyarakat sipil, seperti isu anti korupsi, isu kebebasan berekspresi (civic space), dan isu kemanusiaan.

C20 sudah membentuk tujuh Pokja yang terdiri dari SDGs dan kemanusiaan (SDGs & Humanitarian), akses vaksin dan kesehatan global (Vaccine Access & Global Health) Pajak dan sector keuangan yang berkelanjutan (Taxation & Sustainable Finance), Kesetaraan gender (Gender Equality), Pendidikan dan digitalisasi (Education, Digitalisation and Civic Space), Anti korupsi (Anti-Corruption dan Environment), Iklim yang berkeadilan (Climate Justice) serta transisi energy (Energy Transition).

Setiap Pokja memiliki koordinator nasional dan internasional yang beranggotakan organisasi masyarakat sipil dari seluruh dunia yang secara rutin berdialog untuk merumuskan rekomendasi-rekomendasi kebijakan yang inklusif. Hal ini untuk memastikan G20 memberikan perhatian kepada agenda global, khususnya kepada negara miskin dan berkembang.

Sebagai platform masyarakat sipil, C20 memiliki tanggung jawab untuk memastikan penyampaian aspirasi dari civil society dan proses pembuatan kebijakan di G20 berjalan dengan melibatkan semua kelompok, terutama kelompok yang selama ini terpinggirkan seperti perempuan, anak-anak dan kelompok minoritas lainnya.

Pembangunan kesetaraan gender masih menjadi pekerjaan rumah yang serius, dan forum G20 menjadi sangat strategis untuk terus mengupayakan pengarusutamaan perspektif GEDSI dalam berbagai sektor dan isu yang dibahas oleh pemerintah, masyarakat sipil dan pihak swasta.

Sejumlah isu perempuan yang harus diperhatikan selama Presidensi G20 di Indonesia seperti isu ketimpangan ekonomi bagi perempuan, termasuk ketimpangan sektor tenaga kerja bagi perempuan.

“Kami akan memastikan agar Gender Equality Disabilitas dan Social Inklusi (GEDSI) jadi bahasan dalam pertemuan-pertemuan G20, sekaligus mempengaruhi pengambilan keputusan,” ujar Mike Verawati dari Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia yang juga bertindak sebagai coordinator GEDWG, saat menyampaikan pemaparannya dalam media gathering pada Selasa (21/6/2022) di Jakarta.

Media gathering ini menghadirkan sejumlah tokoh perempuan yang menjadi anggota GEDWG. Mike menegaskan, masyarakat terutama perempuan harus dilibatkan dalam setiap pengambilan keputusan. Karena merekalah yang paling merasakan semua dampak dari kebijakan pembangunan yang dilakukan. Selama ini peran perempuan sangat minim.

Selama ini, negara-negara G20 belum melihat GEDSI sebagai hal yang krusial. Pembangunan masih dilihat dari sisi teknokrasi, padahal untuk pertumbuhan yang berkelanjutan pembangunan manusia lebih utama ketimbang pembangunan fisik belaka.

Sudah saatnya, lanjutnya, G20 yang merupakan kekuatan ekonomi dunia memiliki perhatian pada masyarakat marginal. Karena sebenarnya merekalah menjadi bagian terbesar dalam penyumbang pembangunan.

“Kuatkan kepemimpinan perempuan yang benar-benar terinklusi, di semua level masyarakat dari bawah hingga ke paling atas,” tandas Mike.

Emmy Susanti Asosiasi Pendampingan Usaha Kecil Mikro (ASPPUK) menyoroti keadilan ekonomi untuk perempuan yang masih jauh dari kata terwujud. Ia memaparkan, keadilan ekonomi dan kesetaraan ekonomi bagi perempuan sangat jau tertinggal. Hal ini bisa terlihat dari indeks partisipasi kesempatan kerja bagi perempuan Indonesia yangberada di posisi 99 dari 156 negara yang dinilai.

Data menunjukkan sebanyak 35,07 persen dari 270,2 juta penduduk Indonesia merupakan perempuan berusia produktif dengan tingkat partisipasi angkatan kerja perempuan lebih rendah dibandingkan laki-laki. Data KPPPA mencatat, pada 2019 kesempatan kerja pada laki-laki mencapai 88 % sedangkan perempuan hanya 51,88%.

“Ini menunjukkan ada gap yang besar antara laki-laki dan perempuan dalam hal kesempatan kerja,’ ujarnya.

Gap juga terjadi dalam pengupahan, di mana perempuan digaji lebih rendah dibanding laki-laki. Menurut Rikesda rata-rata upah pekerja laki-laki sebesar Rp 3,5 juta sebulan. Sedangkan rata-rata upah pekerja perempuan hanya Rp Rp 2,7 juta sebulan.

Kondisi ini selain karena kebijakan yang tidak adil (structural) juga dipengaruhi factor budaya. Faktor structural, di mana kebijakan negara hanya berorientasi untuk mengeksplorasi kekayaan alam untuk dijual kepada investor ketimbang memberdayakan warga local. Akibat dari kebijakan ini adalah adanya pemiskinan structural yang sebagian besar korbannya adalah perempuan dan kelompok minoritas lainnya.

Dari faktor budaya, rendahnya partisipasi perempuan tak lepas dari pandangan bahwa mencari penghidupan adalah tanggung jawab laki-laki. Perempuan diposisikan sebagai kelompok yang membantu sehingga mereka dinomorduakan dalam hal pekerjaan.

“Perempuan belum dianggap sebagai yang utama, meski sering merekalah yang sebenarnya menjadi penanggung jawab ekonomi keluarga,” ujar Emmy.

Kepemimpinan perempuan yang bermakna
Justin Gelatik dari Institut Kapal Perempuan mengatakan Presidensi G20 ini menyiratkan harapan bagi pemberdayaan perempuan di Indonesia. Namun ia mengingatkan agar pemberdayaan ini tidak semata dari sisi ekonomi tapi dalam kerangka yang lebih luas.

Belum mengarusutamanya perspektif GEDSI mengakibatkan ruang keterlibatan perempuan belum sepenuhnya terbuka. Selama ini kepemimpinan lebih banyak dilihat dari jumlah kehadiran dan belum memperhatikan pelibatan mereka dalam pengambilan kebijakan. Kondisi ini juga terjaid pada kelompok minoritas lainnya, seperti disabilitas ataupun kelompok minoritas agama.

“Perlu ada kebijakan khusus agar mereka terlibat. Perlu diciptakan ruang-ruang afirmasi bagi kelompok yang selam aini tereksklusi dalam pengambilan kebijakan,” ujarnya.

Menurut Justin, dari kenyataan yang ditemuinya di lapangan jika ada afirmasi maka pemberdayaan itu akan terasa. Dan pada perempuan yang mengalami penguatan akan menunjukkan sumbangsih yang nyata dalam pembangunan. Dengan kata lain peningkatan kapasitas perempuan akan menghasilkan kepemimpinan yang bermakna.

Perempuan yang sudah mendapatkan penguatan kapasitas, ujarnya, memberikan pengaruh positif dalam pengambilan kebijakan mulai dari tingkat desa hinga ke tingkat nasional. Ditambahkan, jika kelompok ini mendapatkan akses yang setara dengan kelompok lain yang selama ini mendapatkan segala macam privilege, maka mereka akan memberikan kontribusi nyata bagi masyarakat.

Konsisi yang sama juga diharapkan diberlakukan kepada kelompok disabilitas. Maulani Rotinsulu dari Himpunan Wanita Disabilitas Indonesia (HWDI) mengatakan, yang dibutuhkan oleh kelompok disabilitas adalah afirmasi menuju kesetaraan dan bukan keisitimewaan.

Sayangnya yang terjadi selama ini adalah kelompok disabilitas tidak berada dalam posisi setara. Mereka diposisikan sebagai kelompok yang harus diberi bantuan. Dan, system ini justru meghasilkan opresi berlapis kepada mereka.

“Padahal bukan itu yang dibutuhkan. Mereka hanya membutuhkan kesempatan yang sama dengan yang lain,” ujarnya.

Maulani berharap dengan posisi Indonesia sebagai pemegang Presidensi G20 menjadi blessing disguise bagi kelompok disabilitas yang selama ini tidak pernah dilirik oleh pemimpin negera-negara G20.

Pemenuhan Hak Kesehatan Reproduksi yang Komprehensif dan adil
Tidak hanya itu, kekerasan berbasis gender dan diskriminasi terhadap perempuan masih menjadi permasalahan yang belum bisa dientaskan sampai saat ini. WHO menyebutkan satu dari tiga perempuan di dunia pernah mengalami kekerasan.

Mengutip data dari Komnas Perempuan, mengatakan tahun lalu hampir 300 ribu laporan kasus kekerasan terhadap perempuan. Jumlah tersebut kemungkinan dapat bertambah karena banyak korban yang tidak melapor atau tidak memiliki akses untuk melapor. Data ini menunjukkan pentingnya upaya penghapusan diskriminasi dalam mencapai kesetaraan gender.

Nanda Dwinta dari Yayasan Kesehatan Perempuan (YKP) menegaskan gender bukan hanya sekadar hak kesehatan reproduksi (HKSR) bagi perempuan. Bahkan lebih parah, ada yang memandang HKSR hanya semata masalah klinis.

Ia menegaskan, HKSR adalah cara berpikir. Proses reproduksi, bukan semata tanggung jawab perempuan, ada peran laki-laki di sana. Sehingga laki-laki juga harus dilibatkan dalam setiap tahapannya.

Nanda mencontohkan untuk menurunkan angka kematian bayi yang masih sangat tinggi 305 per 100.000 penduduk (angka normal 70 per 100.000 penduduk), tidak bisa hanya dibebankan kepada perempuan. Salah satu langkah yang bisa dilakukan adalah dengan mencegah perkawinan anak yang untuk itu dibutuhkan keterlibatan laki-laki dan juga Negara.

Nanda berharap, dengan dijadikannya arsitektur kesehatan global sebagai isu prioritas di Presidensi G20 maka akan terwujud pemenuhan kesehatan reproduksi yang komprehensif, adil dan terjangkau untuk semua.

Source: Konde.co

Kategorien: english, Ticker

Aktivis C20 Ingatkan Forum G20 Tidak Terjebak Pada Persoalan Ekonomi Semata

#C20 18 - 29. Juni 2022 - 5:33

KABAR.ID– Indonesia sebagai negara yang memegang Presidensi Group of Twenty (G20), perlu memanfaatkan momen tersebut untuk mengajak seluruh dunia agar bersama-sama mencapai pemulihan yang lebih kuat dan berkelanjutan.

Terutama dalam 3 isu prioritas yaitu arsitektur kesehatan global, transisi energi berkelanjutan, serta transformasi digital dan ekonomi.

Hal tersebut disampaikan Co-Chairs C20 Herni Ramdlaningrum ketika berbicara di pada Media Gathering bertema “Mendorong Isu Prioritas Gender Equality and Disability Working Group (GEDWG) dalam Presidensi G20 di Jakarta beberapa hari yang lalu.

Sebagai salah satu kelompok yang terlibat dalam G20, Civil20 (C20) menjadi wadah organisasi masyarakat sipil untuk terlibat bersama pemerintah dalam memberikan pengaruh terhadap penyelesaian isu-isu krusial di dunia melalui forum G20.

“Civil 20 (C20) merupakan salah satu forum penting yang terus memberikan ide dan solusi bagi G20 termasuk menyuarakan aspirasi rakyat dengan para pemimpin G20,” ujar Herni

Ketika C20 merupakan wadah organisasi yang menghubungkan masyarakat sipil dengan pemerintah di forum G20, diharapkan suara-suara masyarakat dapat tersampaikan secara lebih efektif.

Melalui C20, organisasi masyarakat sipil juga ingin memastikan bahwa isu kesetaraan gender, disabilitas dan kelompok marjinal lainnya terintegrasi kedalam sejumlah keputusan dan rekomendasi yang akan diambil.

Saat ini, di C20 terdapat 7 working group, dan keseluruhannya tidak terlepas dari isu gender, disabilitas dan kelompok marjinal lainnya, meskipun working group gender yang paling sering mendiskusikan hal tersebut.

“Kita juga memastikan bahwa working group gender ini mampu melakukan penetrasi isu-isunya kepada working group yang lain,” katanya.

Selama ini, Gender Equality and Disability Working Group (GEDWG) merupakan salah satu working group yang paling aktif di C20. “Saya mencatat kurang lebih 5 kali kegiatan diselenggarakan yang perlu untuk dipertahankan sehingga sampai pada C20 summit atau G20 summit,” terang Herni.

Media gathering menjadi salah satu bentuk kegiatan untuk mendorong isu prioritas gender equality and disability dalam Presidensi G20, meskipun selama ini C20 telah mendorong media sebagai perantara kepada publik

“Itu sebabnya, pengarusutamaan gender melalui media sangat penting dilakukan,” ujarnya.

Hal itu dilakukan, mengingat tantangan untuk mengatasi ketidakadilan gender semakin berat dari hari ke hari, meskipun perjuangan telah dilakukan oleh berbagai komponen, termasuk masyarakat sipil.

“Kita mengetahui persoalan saat ini semakin kompleks ditambah pandemi dalam 3 tahun ini sempat melumpuhkan banyak hal, sehingga membuat cita-cita yang sedang diperjuangkan menjadi tertunda,” urainya.

Sementara itu, di belahan dunia lain terjadi ancaman keamanan dan darurat iklim, seperti yang dirasakan pada beberapa tempat di Indonesia. Situasi kompleks itu menciptakan situasi yang tidak menentu dan kian membuktikan bahwa ada isu yang perlu diperjuangkan bersama-sama, dengan tidak melepaskan persoalan kesetaraan gender.

Hal itu, utamanya bagi kelompok marjinal (perempuan, anak, lansia, penyandang disabilitas dan kelompok lainnya) menganggap kompleksitas yang terjadi sangat merugikan mereka secara keseluruhan. “Tidak hanya menghadapi satu persoalan terkait iklim namun juga marjinalisasi,” katanya.

Kepemimpinan Perempuan
Di sisi lain pada konteks pencapaian The Sustainable Development Goals or Global (SDG’s), jika menggunakan pengertian global, maka hanya menyisakan 8 tahun lagi untuk melakukan peningkatan keadilan gender.

“Yakni sampai tahun 2030. Jika kita mau memanfaatkan kesepatakan global itu, waktunya semakin dekat,” ujarnya.

Poin-poin yang terdapat di SGDs, khususnya tujuan nomor 5 tentang kesetaraan gender, menurut Herni, sudah mendekati yang diinginkan. “Yang paling mendekati pencapaian kesetaraan gender baru pada indikator keterlibatan perempuan dalam pemerintahan lokal,” pungkapnya

Di berbagai negara, keberhasilan tersebut dirayakan seiring kemajuan yang cukup signifikan, tentang peran dan partisipasi perempuan dalam pemerintahan lokal. “Tetapi bagaimana di 16 indikator lainnya, ini ternyata masih menghadapi banyak tantangan,” kata Herni.

Terkait dengan prinsip, perempuan menanggung beban krisis dan konflik yang lebih berat ketimbang laki-laki, dia mengamininya. Oleh sebab itu, dalam situasi krisis atau konflik, perempuan harus menjadi bagian dari kepemimpinan kolektif.

“Kecuali kita mewujudkan kesetaraan gender, saya yakin dunia tidak akan pernah bisa mengatasi kelaparan dan perubahan iklim,” terang Herni

Lebih jauh, dia mengatakan, hanya dengan kehadiran perempuan saja, perundingan damai bisa dilakukan. Partisipasi dan kehadiran perempuan dalam kebijakan sosial dan ekonomi akan berdampak langsung bagi semua orang.

“Kue dari pembangunan akan dirasakan secara sama dan keadilan juga akan kita nikmati bersama,” imbuhnya.

Hal senada diungkapkan Mike Verawati, Koordinator GEDWG Sekjen Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia. Menurutnya, penting untuk menguatkan kepemimpinan perempuan secara inklusi.

“Dan tidak melihat bahwa kepemimpinan perempuan itu pada level tertentu saja,” katanya

Kemudian diharapkan, kepemimpinan perempuan dalam G20 mampu merangkul para pemimpin lainnya dalam berbagai level. “Jika perlu sampai pada tingkat akar rumput,” ungkap Mike.

Saat perempuan mampu berjuang dan menghasilkan kepemimpin yang kuat, Mike berkeyakinan, sejumlah perubahan-perubahan penting dan mendasar di akar rumput akan terjadi.

“Bagaimana mereka menguatkan ekonominya, mereka memperkuat akses terhadap hak dasar,” ucapnya

Kepemimpinan perempuan juga harus diakui, bukan hanya sebagai sebuah kontribusi belaka, seperti adanya sosok perempuan, namun harus diakomodir sebagai bagian dari agenda G20. “Kita arahnya kesana,” kata Mike.

Bukan Hanya Angka
Mike Verawati mengingatkan bahwa forum G20 merupakan momentum yang sangat baik untuk dimanfaatkan seiring adanya ruang-ruang yang harus diisi, sehingga tidak terjebak hanya membicarakan persoalan ekonomi semata.

Selama ini, pertemuan G20 selalu berbicara tentang isu ekonomi yang konteksnya makro. Sementara faktanya, bicara ekonomi tidak hanya terkait angka. Disitulah peran C20 dengan working groupnya hadir untuk mewarnai dan ikut memberikan gagasan/ rekomendasi secara efektif untuk menggambarkan situasi terkini dari lapangan.

“Salah satunya bagaimana memastikan gender equality, disability and social inclusion yang sering disebut sebagai GEDSI,” katanya.

Sudah jamak diketahui, saat berbicara tentang pembangunan, lebih sering diletakkan dalam konteks yang sangat besar (makro), padahal di dalamnya ada persoalan yang saling terkait, seperti pentingnya kesetaraan gender di masyarakat.

“Masalah gender itu yang sebenarnya kita perjuangkan di Gender Equality and Disability Working Group (GEDWG) dalam forum C20,” ungkap Mike.

Selain itu, ketika bicara tentang keadilan ekonomi, pembangunan ekonomi Indonesia sudah mengarah kepada hal-hal yang transformatif, seperti penggunaan digitalisasi, dan lain sebagainya. Namun harus dipastikan apakah konteks penguatan ekonomi yang dilakukan saat ini, baik di Indonesia maupun oleh negara-negara anggota G20 merupakan penguatan ekonomi yang melibatkan semua unsur, termasuk perempuan dan kaum marjinal lainnya.

“Apakah melakukan transformasi sistem ekonomi ke sistem digital akan serta merta menarik atau merangkul semua pihak? Padahal kita tahu masih banyak ketimpangan, dimana kita menghadapi kesulitan terkait literasi digital,” terangnya.

Melihat lebih jauh persoalan gap literasi digital, maka ditemukan kelompok marjinal sebagai pihak yang dirugikan. Mereka merupakan pihak yang terpinggirkan. Mereka adalah perempuan, penyandang disabilitas, lansia, termasuk masyarakat adat.

“Apakah semua itu sama? Bagaimana pengetahuan digital seharusnya bersama-sama dan setara?” tanya Mike.

Sementara itu, Herni menilai ajang G20 acap kali disebut sebagai forum ekonomi negara-negara maju. “Namun kami ingin perspektif yang berbeda, bagaimana ekonomi itu diperdebatkan,” katanya.

Tidak melulu hanya mengenai angka, tetapi bagaimana keadilan itu merasuk pada sendi-sendi seluruh warga negara Indonesia di mana pun ia berada.

Oleh karena itu, isu gender, disabilitas, dan kelompok marjinal lain yang selama ini tereksklusi dari pembangunan, tereksklusi dari peran mereka sebagai aktor pembangunan, tereksklusi dari proses pembangunan dan tereksklusi dari manfaat pembangunan, harus disuarakan bersama di momentum G20.

Lebih jauh Herni mengatakan, pihaknya sudah mengawali semua itu sejak lama. Jauh sebelum forum G20 ada, mereka menganggap hal itu sebagai jantung persoalan, termasuk ketika stigma di masyarakat muncul dengan menempatkan perempuan sebagai warga kelas dua.

“Perempuan bukan tidak mampu berkompetisi di pasar kerja, namun yang merupakan persoalan mendasar adanya Second Class,” terangnya

Bahkan, para pemimpin seringkali gagal merekognisi dari jantung permasalahan tersebut. Segala konsep, ide dan peta jalan terkait dengan tenaga kerja dan lapangan pekerjaan seringkali tidak mengenali adanya hambatan disana. “Dan itu tidak terselesaikan,” ujar Herni.

Uniknya, pasar juga salah memahami bagaimana peran perempuan dalam aktivitas ekonomi. Oleh sebab itu, sebagai bagian dari Civil 20 yang memiliki mandat penting, bukan saja untuk menyuarakan civil society di Indonesia, tetapi perannya jauh dari itu, yakni merangkul dan membangun solidaritas serta merekognisi persoalan-persoalan yang dihadapi perempuan di seluruh dunia.

“Makanya kita berdiskusi terus menerus, tidak hanya dengan sesama pemerhati isu perempuan dari Indonesia tetapi juga dari luar Indonesia. Kita ingin mengetahui dari kaca mata interseksionalitas apa yang menjadi persoalan di seluruh dunia,” ungkapnya.

Beruntung forum C20 memiliki momentum untuk terus menerus menyuarakan persoalan yang dihadapi perempuan, disabilitas dan kelompok marjinal lainnya. “Terutama di dalam situasi yang sulit, dalam konteks perubahan iklim, risiko lingkungan dan kebencanaan ini selalu menjadi arus utama,” pungkasnya (Jekson Simanjuntak)

Source: kabar.id

Kategorien: english, Ticker

Green finance – The road from billions to trillions

Brookings - 28. Juni 2022 - 19:40

By Ishac Diwan, Homi Kharas

      
Kategorien: english

Sustainable blue economy vital for small countries and coastal populations

UN #SDG News - 28. Juni 2022 - 19:18
With the livelihoods of about 40 per cent of the world’s population living at or near a coast, the second day of the UN Ocean Conference under way in Lisbon focused on strengthening sustainable ocean-based economies, managing coastal ecosystems.
Kategorien: english

Sustainable blue economy vital for small countries and coastal populations

UN ECOSOC - 28. Juni 2022 - 19:18
With the livelihoods of about 40 per cent of the world’s population living at or near a coast, the second day of the UN Ocean Conference under way in Lisbon focused on strengthening sustainable ocean-based economies, managing coastal ecosystems.
Kategorien: english

SAVE THE DATE: A look into Integrated National Financing Frameworks (INFFs)

CSO Partnership - 28. Juni 2022 - 18:44

Together with the Reality of Aid Africa, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Development Cooperation, Italy, UNDESA, UNDP, and the Civil Society Financing for Development (FfD) Group, the CSO Partnership on Development Effectiveness (CPDE) is co-organising a virtual side event at the UN High-Level Political (Forum UN HLPF).

Titled A look into Integrated National Financing Frameworks: Ensuring ownership and alignment with national development priorities, the event happens on 5 July 2022, 7:30AM New York and is available in English, Spanish, and French.

Highlights include presentations and discussions on the overview of INFFs and its approach, survey, and facility by the UN DESA and UNDP, civil society views on the Review of Guidance Material by the CSO FfD Group/CPDE, the INFF G20 framework, implementing country government national experience, and national CSO perspective on INFF implementation.

To register for the event, visit this link.#

The post SAVE THE DATE: A look into Integrated National Financing Frameworks (INFFs) appeared first on CSO Partnership for Development Effectiveness.

Kategorien: english, Ticker

A United Call to Fight Land Degradation

SNRD Africa - 28. Juni 2022 - 17:40

Report from the UNCCD's CoP15

The post A United Call to Fight Land Degradation appeared first on SNRD Africa.

Kategorien: english

In promotion of small businesses, prioritise social capital

D+C - 28. Juni 2022 - 15:53
Indonesian economist says social infrastructure is more important than hard infrastructure

Your recent book “Periphery and small ones matter” deals with how to tackle inequality in Indonesia. What does the conventional wisdom regarding development economics get wrong?
Well, when the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and many other donor agencies consider inequality, they tend to look at income inequality, but do not pay enough attention to what is driving income inequality. They thus fail to take note of two important kinds of disparities. First, average incomes vary greatly between regions, and second, incomes and opportunities vary greatly between small and large businesses. To some extent, moreover, these two phenomena are mutually reinforcing because large companies tend to be based in either the more prosperous or natural resource-rich regions. The implication is that inequality will keep growing unless policymakers intervene. The full truth is that Indonesia is still marked by deeply entrenched dualism.

In development sociology, dualism means that two diverging sets of norms coexist within a society, formally codified law on the one hand and on the other, traditions that are shaped by culture and religious beliefs. Typically, the poorer and less well educated people adhere to the latter because they are often only vaguely – if at all – aware of the former. The elites, by contrast, know how to deal with both sets of norms. Do you use the term dualism in this sense?
Yes, I do, and it is precisely what Julius Herman Boeke had in mind when he coined it. He was a Dutch scholar who was employed by the colonial government in Indonesia in the first half of the 20th century. His notion of dualism helped to explain why many policies and programmes that the colonial power wanted to implement did not work. The Dutch tried to introduce values that were supposedly modern, but obviously served their imperialist interests, and the colonised people stuck to their traditional norms. Though Indonesia became independent in 1949, the impacts of social dualism are still evident. Both the inequality between regions and between different kinds of companies can be traced back to the colonial era. Today, more than 95 % of the business units are small. Only a tiny percentage are large, but they account for most value creation.

Are small businesses the same as informal businesses?
No, they are not, but there is a huge overlap. Most informal businesses are small, but a few are not. There are also some formal businesses that do not employ many people – consider a small law firm or IT-based start-up companies, for example.

What can policymakers do to put a check on ever-increasing inequality?
Well, they should pay attention to several things. One is the force of economics of agglomeration. Activities benefit from being located close to other activities. Another is that social capital and culture matter very much especially when we deal with small and informal activities.

Let us consider agglomeration first. It is an important reason why, in high-income countries, specific industries tend to cluster in particular cities. In Germany, for example, Frankfurt is a hub of banking and Stuttgart of car manufacturing. Clusters of this kind enhance an individual company’s productivity because proximity facilitates networking, because the pool of skilled workers is larger and because the local infrastructure suits their needs. Is this what you are thinking of?
Yes, in principle, but in an even more fundamental way. Imagine ten small companies are ploughing ahead on their own and compare them with ten small companies that are clustered. The second group will invariably be more productive. They will share information, procure some inputs in cooperation and cooperate on improving the infrastructure they depend on.

That sounds like the Otigba Computer Village in Lagos, Nigeria (see Johannes Paha and Lydia Wolter on www.dandc.eu). It is a cluster of informal companies that specialise in IT hardware and software. One of the great advantages is that skilled staff can switch from employer to employer fast, and that software and hardware providers can deliver joint services to customers.
I am not aware of this case, but yes, the forces of agglomeration always exist, and informal companies can benefit very much. If market dynamics are entirely left to themselves, however, the impact will be more inequality. The reason is that the large businesses have the capabilities to cluster in particular locations and gain benefits from it, while many small businesses will keep operating in isolation. The result is rising inequality between locations/regions and between small and large businesses. Therefore, governments should do their best to promote the healthy impacts of agglomeration for small activities and at the same time mitigate the harmful impacts of inequality between regions as activities tend to concentrate in particular locations.

In practical terms, this probably means that governments should provide good physical and social infrastructure.
Well, good social infrastructure is actually much more important, as our research has shown. What small businesses lack in particular is networks, knowledge and information. Let’s do a short thought experiment. Company A is large and urban; company B is small and rural. In all other regards, both exist in the same environment. When company A faces a difficulty, its management will look for help. It may hire an adviser, it may lobby the government or perhaps it will find out who to bribe. Company B, by contrast, will be left to its own devices and will keep struggling with that difficulty. Social capital is really essential and it results both from professional competence and personal contacts. Either way, education is essential.

But isn’t hard infrastructure in terms of roads, electric power supply et cetera similarly important?
It is important, yes, but it tends to be overestimated, whereas social infrastructure is often neglected. Governments around the world have again and again tried to reduce inequality between regions by building hard infrastructure in disadvantaged areas. But this approach does not bridge the inter-regional gaps. The most striking example is probably Italy, where the South was supposed to catch up with the North thanks to heavy infrastructure spending, but it actually kept falling further behind. In Germany, your experience is similar. Since reunification, the eastern states have not caught up with the western ones.

How do you explain the growing disparity?
Well, additional hard infrastructure does help the region concerned to some extent, but as it begins to prosper, it buys increasingly more goods and services from the more advanced regions, so those regions actually benefit even more. The gaps widen. People in disadvantaged regions still lack the knowledge and networks to make small businesses more productive and more competitive. Social capital must not be neglected, and experience shows that better education and better health care boost productivity throughout a nation without entrenching regional disparities more deeply.

What about financial services (see Oliver Schmidt on www.dandc.eu)?
We did a survey of small companies in Indonesia. Among other things, we asked them whether they had access to loans from banks. The result was that many of the very small businesses did not want to rely on bank credit, because they knew they would have to pay the money back at some point and were afraid that they might not be able to do so. Culturally, this is a hindrance even where a local branch office of a bank may exist. If leaders of micro businesses did borrow money, they borrowed from relatives and members of the local community. Cultural norms matter very much. Education and awareness raising can make a difference.

Does digital technology matter?
Well, the internet can help to bridge regional divides. To the extent that people have access, it can become a big leveler.

But internet access depends on hard infrastructure, not education.
When small businesses are run by elderly with a lack of internet knowledge and education, they have difficulty to operate using the internet. So, internet literacy is often more important than the quality of their access, and it will spread fastest where companies are clustered and some people have a basic understanding of the matter. Even where connectivity is poor, well-informed business leaders will thus be able to make good use of it.

Reference
Azis, I. J., 2022: Periphery and small ones matter – Interplay of policy and social capital. SpringerLink (Open Access).
https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-16-6831-9

Iwan J. Azis is professor of Emerging Markets within the Dyson School of Applied Economics and Management at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, and visiting professor at the University of Indonesia in Jakarta.
http://iwanazis.com/

Kategorien: english

The nightmare of states that are too small

D+C - 28. Juni 2022 - 15:11
For informal businesses, state absence means people can only trust those who are close to them

That is evident in the informal sector. Its businesses are neither registered nor regulated. They have no legal certainty regarding contract enforcement. The preference is thus for doing business with persons one can trust. Informal entrepreneurs typically hire family members and take loans from relatives. They do not look for the best qualified applicant or the least costly credit. Unable to invest, moreover, the businesses stay small, labour-intensive and stuck in low productivity. Both profits and wages remain meagre too.

The informal sector is a sphere where the law offers no protections because it is not – or only rarely – enforced. There thus is no occupational safety, no environmental protection and no holidays. To some extent, local values and community traditions apply, but insecurity is common. Urban life, especially in developing countries, tends to be multicultural. People speak different languages, adhere to different faiths and belong to different tribes (in Africa) or castes (in South Asia). They share the values of their own community, but feel little obligation to other communities. In many cases, informal businesses pay money to mafia-like protection rackets.

Things are a bit different in rural areas. However, oppressive traditions tend to be strong where state agencies have little impact. In many ways, the work of smallholders and subsistence farmers is informal too. On the other hand, there are pockets of informal activity in high-income countries as well. For example, migrant women with dubious or no legal status work as household helpers in many European cities.

Strong dualism

Where the informal sector is large, strong dualism typically marks society. This term stands for formal law coexisting awkwardly with traditional norms. Some spheres of social life are exclusively guided by one or the other. In such settings, it makes little sense to speak of the rule of law because official legislation does not take full account of social reality.

Informal urban settlements, for example, grow unplanned and typically do not conform with legislation, but hundreds of millions of people have no other home. When authorities evict them, claiming the settlements are illegal, formal law infringes upon these people’s fundamental human rights. The state is actually still the oppressive institution it was in colonial and feudal times.

All too often, what is not counted, does not count. Informal activities do not generate data. Ignorance of how masses of people live obviously makes prudent policymaking very difficult.

Where dualism is pronounced, the state is small and weak. It may look strong in terms of its oppressive means, but it is unable to fulfil important modern functions. Since it cannot collect taxes sufficiently, effectively or fairly, it lacks the funds for building strong infrastructure, running good schools and providing universal health care. A modern, functionally differentiated society needs a stronger and more enabling state which creates opportunities and responds to people’s needs (see my contribution on www.dandc.eu). The way forward must be to accept social reality, ensure the livelihoods people indeed depend on are legal and then start regulating matters in ways that facilitate broad-based progress.

Hans Dembowski is editor in chief of D+C Development and Cooperation / E+Z Entwicklung und Zusammenarbeit.
euz.editor@dandc.eu  

Kategorien: english

Natural resource governance in light of the 2030 Agenda: the case of competition for groundwater in Azraq, Jordan

GDI Briefing - 28. Juni 2022 - 12:32

This study analyses a complex social-ecological system (SES), the case of competition for groundwater in Azraq, in the light of the 2030 Agenda. Building on the Institutional Analysis and Development Framework (IAD) and the concept of Networks of Adjacent Action Situations (NAAS) it assess the complex governance system in a consistent and systematic manner. It includes aspects of power through the political economy concept of the social contract. It furthermore assesses the performance of the investigated SES against the 2030 Agenda’s core principles ‘leaving no one behind’, ‘interconnectedness and indivisibility’, ‘multi-stakeholder partnerships’, and ‘inclusiveness’.
The study finds that in Azraq, agricultural, domestic and environmental water users compete for shrinking groundwater resources. The core of the conflict lies between a heterogeneous group of farmers, who use groundwater for irrigation agriculture supported by a strong political lobby, and the water authorities, which rely on the aquifer for domestic water supply at national level. Water, agricultural, environmental, energy, and land governance, but also high-level decision-making and the monarchy’s underlying social contract and the informal concept of wasta influence the outcomes on the ground. As a result, groundwater governance in Jordan hardly does justice to the 2030 Agenda’s core principles. The study shows that no panacea exists, but that systems thinking may help identify a range of intervention points, some more sensitive than others, that could support a social-ecological transformation towards sustainability.

Kategorien: english

The potential of social protection for forcibly displaced people

OECD - 28. Juni 2022 - 12:00

Policy on social protection should be adapted to support forcibly displaced people. This can help reduce costs as the forcibly displaced people begin to contribute to social insurance and the broader fiscal system of the host country. This cannot happen overnight, however. Government social protection systems in low- and middle- income countries may find it hard to rapidly include additional (forcibly displaced) beneficiaries, unless the system is mature, flexible enough and adequately resourced.

The post The potential of social protection for forcibly displaced people appeared first on Development Matters.

Kategorien: english

Tackling marine pollution: Individual action, key to ocean restoration

UN #SDG News - 27. Juni 2022 - 19:22
On Monday, thousands of people gathered at Altice Arena in Lisbon, Portugal, for the first day of the long-awaited UN Ocean Conference. Riding on the global momentum generated by the event, experts are pushing for a new international commitment to combat pollution, including at sea.
Kategorien: english

Why is Turkey Blocking Sweden and Finland from Joining NATO?

UN Dispatch - 27. Juni 2022 - 16:52

Sweden and Finland have both formally requested to become members of the NATO alliance. To admit new members to NATO requires the approval of all existing NATO members and so far, Turkey is objecting.

My guest today, Sibel Oktay, is associate professor at University of Illinois at Springfield and non-resident senior fellow at the Chicago Council on Global Affairs.

We kick off with a discussion about Turkey’s specific grievances with Sweden and Finland and then have a broader conversation about how this dustup between Turkey and the rest of NATO fits into broader patterns in Turkish foreign policy. This includes a long discussion of Turkey’s approach to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

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Transcript lightly edited for clarity

What is the Diplomatic Relationship and History Between Sweden and Turkey? 

Sibel Oktay [00:02:57] So Sweden actually is the real target of Turkey’s concerns. Sweden has for a long time provided refuge to political asylum seekers from Turkey, most notably Kurdish activists and those who Turkey considers members or supporters of the PKK, the Kurdistan Workers Party. It’s a terrorist organization as listed by the US and the EU and Turkey waged war against the PKK for the better part of 40 years. So, in other words, Turkey argues that Sweden aids and abets the PKK and in addition to that, Sweden put a ban on arms export licenses to Turkey after 2019, when the Turkish military launched its offensive in northern Syria against the YPG. YPG is the People’s Protection Units, Turkey considers it a PKK offshoot, an instrumental military organization that fought against ISIS during the early period of the Syrian war.

Mark L. Goldberg [00:04:05] And one that’s supported by the United States as well.

Sibel Oktay [00:04:07] Exactly. Exactly. And so, Sweden put a ban on these arms export licenses to prevent Turkey from using their material, the material that they sourced, to stop Kurdish expansion and territorial consolidation along that northern strip of Syria that borders Turkey. And so now Turkey and Erdogan and his spokesperson and chief adviser in foreign affairs, Ibrahim Kalin, they both argue that it’s against the spirit of the alliance if a prospective member, say Sweden, opposes and undermines the legitimate national security concerns of another ally in this case, Turkey. So that’s Sweden. But then there’s also Finland and Finland has kind of become the collateral damage in this narrative because in fact, reports from Finnish sources explain that the Prime Minister […] received full support from Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey’s president, previously back in early spring, before he reversed its position, did a 180, and put Finland alongside Sweden in that same basket of his veto. So, with Finland, Turkey’s key demand is the extradition of Gulenists. So Gulen, Fethullah Gulen, this imam who has been living in Pennsylvania in the United States for the last couple of decades, he and his religious movement was a strong ally of the AKP and Erdogan’s government for maybe two decades when the alliance began to fall apart around 2012 and now Gulenists are considered a terrorist organization and Gulen himself is considered the to be the orchestrator and the key perpetrator of the failed coup in 2016.

What is Turkey demanding from Finland, Sweden, and the United States?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:06:05] And there’s this whole sordid backstory from the Trump administration with the former and disgraced national security adviser Michael Flynn trying to, like, seek the extradition of Gulen from Pennsylvania to Turkey. This has been like long a target of Erdogan.

Sibel Oktay [00:06:21] Absolutely. Absolutely so whenever there is Gulenists or in this case, Gulen himself, which you rightly pointed out, Turkey demands extradition. And with Finland, Turkey is demanding the extradition of some I think about a dozen people, including some of the Gulenists that they that they charged with terrorism. But the Finnish authority has argued that there’s no legal basis for extradition and that they cannot violate the rule of law to meet Turkey’s demands. And the exact same argument is made by the United States when Turkey wants Gulen to be extradited. And also, there are similar extradition requests that Turkey makes from Sweden, and Sweden gives the same response. Some of these people include sympathizers of PKK, but also Gulenists, and specifically some journalists who used to write in Gulenist newspapers in Turkey but now reside in Sweden.

Why is Erdogan trying to stop Sweden and Finland from joining NATO?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:07:23] To what extent do you think that Erdogan’s decision to put the brakes on Sweden and Finland’s ascension into NATO stems from domestic politics that, you know, Turkey’s economy is faltering, and this is an opportunity to sort of whip up nationalist sentiment ahead of elections next year.

Sibel Oktay [00:07:45] I think that’s exactly right. Last time I was on your show, we talked about the economic problems that Turkey was observing and experiencing. Those economic problems haven’t gotten any better. In fact, I was just reading the news today about predictions about this summer’s tourism estimates and especially tourists from Russia are expected to plummet this year, which has serious economic consequences for the tourism industry. And so, when we talk about Turkish foreign policy, especially during Erdogan’s rule, we cannot separate that from Turkey’s domestic politics. Everything he does on the international arena has some implication; it has some meaning for what he wants to achieve at the domestic level. He is preparing for elections in 2023. That’s when they are scheduled. But there are always debates about whether he wants to call for early elections later this year and along with the ongoing plans to continue the military operation in Syria, I think these will be two of his platforms when it comes to foreign affairs and to divert and distract the public’s increased frustration with the economic crisis. So, I think you’re absolutely right that this is something that he wants to play back home to his domestic audience.

How did Turkey go about foreign policy decisions before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:09:19] So I think this dustup with Sweden and Finland joining NATO is illustrative of the really interesting and unique position that Turkey has played in regard to diplomacy with Russia since the invasion of Ukraine. I’d love before we discuss how Turkey has responded to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, could you maybe briefly situate Turkish foreign policy in the years or months leading up to February 24th, 2022?

Sibel Oktay [00:10:01] Absolutely. So, Turkey is standing at a fascinating juncture between the West, the Euro-Atlantic security framework and Russia, and that is like you anticipate it’s fundamentally shaping its positioning vis-a-vis the Ukraine war. So first of all, we should start to situate Turkey, right? So, Turkey is a member of the NATO alliance since 1952, it was part of that first wave of expansion after the alliance was established. And it’s the second largest contributor to NATO with nearly 500,000 troops so we are talking about a really noticeable hefty ally in that organization. It’s also had military operations in Kosovo, in Afghanistan and various other multilateral military operations as part of the NATO alliance. And after the withdrawal of the U.S. from Afghanistan last summer, the summer of 2021, Turkey had also proposed to operate Kabul Airport. So, Turkey, in that sense, has always been a deep and important, deeply entrenched member of the NATO alliance. Relatedly, Turkey and the United States used to be, I should say, very close allies. They used to call each other strategic partners throughout the Cold War and into the early 2000 but then those relationships began to deteriorate sometime after 2013, with the Gezi protests most noticeably.

What were the Gezi protests of 2013?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:11:36] And these were protests in Istanbul, if I’m remembering correctly, that were against Erdogan kind of anti-inequality protests; am I misremembering?

Sibel Oktay [00:11:47] Right. So, they began over claims over Gezi Park, to raze Gezi Park and build some commercial structures. And so, the protests began to protect the park itself but then they mushroomed and took the entire country. There were protests essentially in every single city across Turkey and the key demands were greater democratic participation, greater rights and liberties and an end to the sort of tyrannical rule over people’s lives and the government, the central government, basically micromanaging what’s happening in a park in Istanbul. And so back then, around 2013 onwards, Turkey’s democratic decay had become so much more apparent. There were disagreements between the U.S. and Turkey about the war in Syria and how to engage and deal with ISIS. Obviously, there was this falling apart of a major defense deal between Turkey and the U.S. Turkey wanted to purchase the Patriots air defense system. That agreement didn’t go through. And then that’s what prompted Turkey to purchase the Russian equivalent of it: the S-400s.

Why did Turkey buy a missile defense system from Russia in 2018?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:13:09] And this was in 2018. This was a very big deal at the time when Turkey, a member of NATO, bought the non-compatible with NATO version of a missile defense system from Russia.

Sibel Oktay [00:13:22] Right. I mean, it was it was not compatible and straight up dangerous, right? It has the potential to reveal confidential mechanic details about NATO capabilities. And so, Turkey’s purchasing and finally bringing in the S-400s but not activating the hardware prompted the CAATSA from U.S. Congress: that’s Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act and then moving into 2020 and 2021 when President Biden was elected, it’s well known that these two leaders aren’t exactly fond of each other. And so, the listeners might be following Biden is preparing to take a visit to Israel later this summer, probably in July and it’s a two-hour flight from Tel Aviv to Ankara and Biden and the U.S. administration more broadly, has been avoiding visiting Turkey in that kind of capacity since he became president.

How is the Armenian genocide implicated in Turkey-U.S. foreign relations?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:14:44] And, you know, to Erdogan’s defense, Biden did himself little favor by forthrightly declaring the genocide in Armenia, which is obviously a big domestic issue for Erdogan.

Sibel Oktay [00:15:05] Absolutely. That’s always been the litmus test to understand where Turkey-US relations lie, because presidents have always acted as a sort of an emergency brake when Congress wanted to pass that and this time around it wasn’t opposed, and it passed. But then there’s the Russian side of it. And Turkey also has these relations with Russia that helps us place Turkey back in the sort of chessboard over the Ukraine war. Turkey is a major trade partner to Russia. Turkey purchases natural gas from Russia and exports agricultural products. And in 2021, we’re talking about 30 billion U.S. dollars so it’s a pretty large trade volume we’re talking about. Like I said before, Turkey also attracts millions of Russian tourists each year. In fact, prior to the pandemic in 2019, the total number of Russian tourists that visited Turkey was 7 million. And then right after the pandemic in 2021, the number was 4.7 million. So basically, half of that. And then right now, forecasters are expecting about 2 million and they’re seeing that that’s even a very optimistic estimate. So, we’re seeing Russian tourists for all sorts of reasons, but particularly, obviously, for security and political reasons, are not choosing to come to Turkey, which has severe implications for the economy. And so that’s the economic side. The more security side, obviously, Turkey’s purchasing of the S-400s and the coordinated behaviors of Russia and Turkey in Syria also make them strange bedfellows, if you want to call it that way. And that’s the that’s the difficult position, that’s the complex situation that Turkey found themselves in when the war broke in February.

Where does Turkey stand on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:17:13] Yes. So, February 24th, Russia invades Ukraine and at least it seemed initially and correct me if I’m wrong, but Turkey seems to have played a meaningful role in Ukraine’s defense by, among other things, providing Ukraine with very impactful drones that were used against Russian military elements on the ground. Can you just describe how Turkey has approached the Russian invasion of Ukraine since February 24th? Because it seems like just a very sort of fascinating and unique position that Turkey finds itself in now supporting Ukraine’s defense while also keeping a very open line to Russian diplomats and Russian entreaties as well.

Sibel Oktay [00:18:09] Turkey has been walking a tightrope since the beginning of the war. So many analysts, including myself, have described this position as a balancing act, given Turkey’s relations both with NATO and with Russia. Still, you’re absolutely right; Turkey has defined the conflict in Ukraine as war pretty early on, which means that it was able to enact the Montreux Treaty of the Straits.

What is the Montreux Treaty of the Straits and how does it relate to Turkey’s involvement in Russia’s war on Ukraine?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:18:38] What’s the Montreux Treaty of the Straits?

Sibel Oktay [00:18:40] Sure. So, this was one of the foundational treaties of the Republic of Turkey. And it gave essentially Turkey the right to control the straits. And one of these….

Mark L. Goldberg [00:18:53] And the straits leading from the Mediterranean to the Black Sea?

Sibel Oktay [00:18:57] Right. Exactly. So, the two straits, the Bosphorus, connects Black Sea to Mamara Sea. And then the Dardanelles connects the Marmara Sea to the Mediterranean and so that’s Russia’s easiest way of crossing the Black Sea and connecting to the Mediterranean. And so, the Montreux Treaty states that if there is a war, Turkey has a right to close the strait to outbound battleships. And so, in this case, Turkey was able to, and did, close the straits to outbound Russian battleships. That was another way in which Turkey was able to curtail Russian activity. It also provided the Bayraktar TB2 drones that you’ve mentioned to Ukraine early on in the conflict. These are these are cheap, and they proved to be extremely effective at helping Ukraine achieve some of those early gains, both tactically and psychologically boosting the morale of the international community and give credence, obviously, for a more positive outcome. But obviously these activities and these kinds of gestures of support are now being undone, you might say, by Turkey’s position in NATO and Turkey’s resistance against NATO expansion. On the other hand, Turkey did not close its airspace to Russian aircraft, unlike many European allies and partners, nor did it impose any economic sanctions for obvious reasons that I just talked about: Russia is a trade partner. Turkey, therefore, has been playing this balancing act, supporting Ukraine where it can, but also making sure that it doesn’t antagonize Russia any further through not engaging in the sanctions regime or closing airspace.

How is Turkey supporting Ukraine and the global community through the crisis of Russia’s war on Ukraine?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:21:05] To what extent does Erdogan and the Turkish foreign policy elite consider themselves potentially like interlocutors between Russia and the West? I mean, it seemed early on that they were trying to use Turkish good offices, if that is an expression that could be used, to facilitate some sort of cessation of hostilities that obviously never happened. But now it seems that Turkey is playing an actual, meaningful role in this U.N. led effort to try to get some of the grain and food that’s stuck in Ukrainian ports out to the rest of the world. What do you know about those efforts and Turkish diplomacy more broadly during this period?

Sibel Oktay [00:21:56] Right so Turkey has tried to play the mediator role in these regional conflicts for a long time during the AKP rule, so this is not the first time that Turkey is stepping up to the plate and saying, let us mediate. The country, tried to do that between Israel and Palestine back in the early 2000’s, that was not fruitful. Same with the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan and now more recently between Ukraine and Russia. And you’re absolutely right. There were some early efforts to bring the parties to the table to call a ceasefire and possibly resolve the conflict but that kind of died down. And right now, there are ongoing talks to facilitate the shipment of Ukraine’s agricultural exports, grains, specifically because we’re expecting a major global food crisis later this year and well into the next year. And Turkey offers to be basically a corridor, right? So, the Odessa port is right now closed. The proposal suggests that the Odessa port will open and then the shipments will pass through Turkey to get to some of these developing countries that normally get Ukraine’s grains. But here, both Kiev and Moscow have their own demands, which also pushes Turkey into a difficult policy corner. Essentially, Turkey constantly finds itself in these difficult policy corners. One of the things that I think is interesting is that Ukraine, for a while wasn’t formerly invited to the talks. So, the negotiations about how to draft the plan and how to operationalize it were taking place between Turkey and Russia. So, the proposed deal includes a couple of demands from each of the actors, and that’s why it’s very difficult for them to resolve this. Russia, in return for opening and allowing the Port of Odessa to operate wants the sanctions on its own farm exports to be lifted and also wants the Port of Odessa to be demined. And finally, it wants to have the ability to inspect the ships that go to Ukraine. That’s obviously a major no for Ukraine. Ukraine rejects these conditions and wants to ensure that opening the Black Sea port, the Port of Odessa, does not allow Russia to either inspect its own ships that are going into the going into Ukraine, but also prevents Russia from exerting greater control in the region at the expense of its own security. Like you said, the U.N. supports this proposal and Turkey expects that it will endorse the plan and if it does, that should give Ukraine much greater confidence in the deal’s intentions and credibility. But of course, it’s difficult for anyone, and most importantly, Ukraine and the Ukrainians to isolate Turkey’s efforts there from its very frustrating resistance to NATO enlargement. And so, it’s very difficult to isolate Turkey’s different activities in these different dimensions and different stages and not consider them in relation to one another.

How could the international community encourage Erdogan and Turkey to let Sweden and Finland into NATO?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:25:39] So lastly, on this question of NATO, you know, we are speaking about seven days ahead of a major NATO’s meeting in Madrid. It was expected, you know, months ago when Sweden and Finland first made their intentions known about their desire to join NATO, that this would be like a swift process. And, you know, as we discussed, Erdogan, for domestic political reasons, is putting the brakes on this process. Is there anything you suspect that the international community might offer to Turkey to nudge it away from its position of intransigence right now?

Sibel Oktay [00:26:26] Right, some of the recent developments happening at NATO and the secretary general’s office show that they are really trying hard to make Turkey happy. So about two weeks ago, Jens Stoltenberg, the secretary general of NATO, expressed that Turkey’s concerns about terrorism were legitimate and that they must be addressed. Importantly, if you watch his press briefing, he corrects himself twice mid-sentence, calling the country Turkyie instead of Turkey. And if you go to NATO’s official website now, Turkey is now listed as Turkyie on the list of members.

Why does Turkey want to officially change its name to Turkiye?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:27:03] What’s the significance of that?

Sibel Oktay [00:27:05] So these are hat tips to the Turkish government’s current PR efforts to change the country’s official name from Turkey to what it’s known in Turkey itself, in Turkish, it’s called Turkyie, so that it’s not synonymous with poultry in the English language. And so, you could tell that Stoltenberg was trying really hard to, you know, he says Turkey and then he corrects himself and goes Turkiye.

Mark L. Goldberg [00:27:31] If that is a concession, you know, I say go for it.

Sibel Oktay [00:27:34] Right, exactly but then, you know, these are some of the very little low hanging fruit for NATO to take but then some allies are getting frustrated. So, Emmanuel Macron, French president, is asking NATO to find out about Turkey’s real intentions and clarifying Turkey’s positions. So clearly, there is some expectation to bring this to a happy ending at the NATO summit, at the conclusion of the NATO summit in Madrid. And then when you turn to Germany, German foreign minister says that, you know, obviously, everybody anticipated everybody wanted Finland and Sweden to join NATO in the Madrid summit later this month, actually as soon as next week. But then Annalena Baerbock, German foreign minister, said that it wouldn’t be a catastrophe if this doesn’t conclude in in the Madrid summit. And then when you turn to Turkey, Turkish officials say very confidently, because they have all the leverage in the world saying that, you know, we don’t consider the Madrid conference as a deadline for these negotiations and we’re going to take for as long as we need to, to make sure that everybody is on the same page and Turkey is given some guarantees. Now, what those guarantees will look like, again, we can only speculate, and we can only speculate what Turkey will consider to be a win. And where would compromises take place?

What does Erdogan want in return for allowing Sweden and Finland to join NATO?

Mark L. Goldberg [00:29:18] So what are you looking towards in the coming weeks that may suggest to you whether or not Erdogan relents on his opposition to NATO membership for Sweden and Finland.

Sibel Oktay [00:29:31] So Erdogan wants concessions, right? Guarantees that he can then take home and say the Turks won. He always wants to assert Turkey on the international stage and so whatever he can take, he will sell to the possible maximum at home. It could be like I said, a combination of written guarantees, a condemnation of terrorism or, you know, tangible outcomes, such as the lifting of arms embargoes. We know that, for instance, Sweden is revising its counterterrorism legislation and finding out ways to redesign regulations on export ban so that Turkey can be off the hook. And a lot of people are arguing or expecting or hypothesizing, I guess, that Turkey might also be trying to get some concessions from the U.S., such as being put back on the F-35 list, which Turkey was kicked off after it purchased the S-400s. And so, Erdogan and the Turkish delegation and NATO know that they have a lot of leverage, like I said, and they are not afraid to go to the edge of the cliff, so to speak, to get whatever they can. If, you know, your listeners might remember he’s done it before in the EU back in early 2000s to get the membership negotiations to start when he had a lot less leverage so he knows that he can do this again. And we’ll see what plays out next week in Madrid and the next couple of weeks after that will be even more interesting.

Mark L. Goldberg [00:31:13] Well, Sibel, thank you so much. This was so helpful. I really appreciate it.

Sibel Oktay [00:31:17] Thank you for having me.

Mark L. Goldberg [00:31:21] All right. Thank you all for listening. Thank you to Sibel Oktay. That was very helpful. We recorded this conversation, as I mentioned, just a few days ahead of that major NATO meeting in Madrid, though, even if you have listened to this episode in the weeks since, I think it nonetheless gives you really important context for understanding Turkish foreign policy. All right. We’ll see you next time. Thanks, bye!

The post Why is Turkey Blocking Sweden and Finland from Joining NATO? appeared first on UN Dispatch.

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