Africa is currently undergoing the most rapid urbanisation process globally, and this trend is forecast to persist in the coming decades. Many believe that this ongoing rapid urbanisation process is changing the social fabric and reshaping social cohesion. This study explores the theoretical channels through which urbanisation affects social cohesion and provides empirical evidence of their interrelationship. Specifically, the study asks: given the vast social, economic, cultural, political and environmental transformation associated with urbanisation, is there a link between urbanisation and social cohesion? Combining a novel national panel data set on social cohesion from Afrobarometer with urbanisation and other socioeconomic data from world development indicators, the study shows that urbanisation is negatively correlated with the three attributes of social cohesion, namely trust, inclusive identity, and cooperation for the common good. These associations persist even after controlling for country socioeconomic conditions and year fixed effects. Moreover, the magnitude of this association varies across attributes, with trust and inclusive identity showing a higher correlation than cooperation for the common good. Urbanisation-induced change in economic and environmental structure, such as employment, infrastructure, and pollution, are the main channels affecting social cohesion. Overall, the findings underscore the need for inclusive urban development and policies focused on ameliorating social fragmentation resulting from rapid urbanisation unfolding across Africa.
Bonn, 27. November 2023. Die Klimakrise ist unzweifelhaft auch eine Gesundheitskrise. Der Klimawandel stellt eine unmittelbare und schwere Bedrohung für die menschliche Gesundheit dar und hat bereits heute Auswirkungen auf fast die Hälfte der Weltbevölkerung. Die WHO schätzt, dass aufgrund des Klimawandels jährlich zusätzlich 250.000 Menschen sterben.
Steigende Temperaturen, extreme Wetterereignisse, Luftverschmutzung, Waldbrände und beeinträchtigte Ernährungssicherheit führen zu Lebensverlusten. Die überzeugendsten Gründe für Klimaschutzmaßnahmen liegen nicht in der fernen Zukunft – sie sind genau hier und jetzt. Es ist sehr zu begrüßen, dass die Präsidentschaft der UN-Klimakonferenz 2023 (COP28) Gesundheit als Prioritätsbereich gewählt hat.
Der 3. Dezember 2023 ist der Tag der Gesundheit und an diesem Tag findet das allererste Klima-Gesundheitsministertreffen im Rahmen einer UN-Klimakonferenz statt. Ziel ist es, Gesundheit als zentrales Thema in die Klimaagenda einzubinden. Es ist unabdingbar, dass der Gesundheitssektor eine größere Rolle in der Klimatransformation übernimmt. Zum einen ist der Gesundheitssektor selbst für 5 % der globalen Treibhausgasemissionen verantwortlich. Wäre der Sektor ein Land, gälte er nach China, USA, Indien und Russland als fünftgrößter Emittent. Zum anderen können die gesundheitlichen Folgen des Klimawandels durch den Aufbau klimaresilienter Gesundheitssysteme vermindert werden. Wie lässt sich dies umsetzen?
Finanzierung ausbauen: Bislang sind nur erschreckende 0,5 Prozent der Mittel für Klimaanpassungsmaßnahmen in den Gesundheitssektor geflossen. Diese unzureichende Finanzierung ist besonders kritisch für afrikanische Länder, die stark von der Klimakrise betroffen sind. Diese erhalten lediglich 14 Prozent der dringend benötigten Anpassungshilfen. Es ist von Bedeutung, dass die entwickelten Länder ihre finanziellen Beiträge gegenüber multilateralen Klimafonds, wie dem im Rahmen der UN-Klimaabkommen etablierten Green Climate Fund (GCF), spürbar weiter erhöhen. In diesem Kontext ist besonders die Förderung der universellen Gesundheitsversorgung von großer Wichtigkeit. Sie gilt als Schlüsselindikator für die Resilienz der Gesundheitssysteme gegenüber den Herausforderungen des Klimawandels.
Klimaresiliente Strukturen schaffen: Gesundheitssysteme können ihre Klimaresilienz stärken, indem sie beispielsweise Frühwarnsysteme für Ausbrüche klimasensibler Infektionskrankheiten ausbauen und eine Gesundheitsinfrastruktur aufbauen, die extremen Wetterbedingungen trotzt. Dazu gehören Investitionen in widerstandsfähige Gebäude, Notstromversorgungen und Wasserspeichersysteme. Die Entwicklung von Hitzeschutzplänen und die Steigerung des öffentlichen Bewusstseins für klimabedingte Gesundheitsrisiken ist ebenso wichtig. Darüber hinaus ist eine Kooperation zwischen den Gesundheitssystemen und anderen für die Gesundheit relevanten Sektoren (Landwirtschaft, Umwelt etc.), wie im One-Health Ansatz angelegt, entscheidend. Diese intersektorale Zusammenarbeit zielt auch darauf ab, die Grundursachen des Klimawandels und dessen Auswirkungen auf die Gesundheit umfassend zu adressieren.
Globale Dringlichkeitsgovernance fördern: Reformen in der globalen Regierungsführung nach der COVID-19 Pandemie, darunter auch die Überarbeitung der Internationalen Gesundheitsvorschriften (IHR) und die Verhandlung eines neuen Pandemie-Abkommens, können wesentlich dazu beitragen, einige der klimabedingten Gesundheitsherausforderungen zu bewältigen. Der Wissenschaftliche Beirat für Globale Umweltveränderungen (WBGU) unterstützt diesen Ansatz und fordert in seinem Jahresbericht „Gesund leben auf einer gesunden Erde“ die Stärkung der globalen Dringlichkeitsgovernance. Beispielsweise breiten sich Infektionskrankheiten wie Dengue, begünstigt durch veränderte klimatische Bedingungen, zunehmend in neue Regionen aus. Der Markt für einen wirksamen Dengue-Impfstoff wird sich in den nächsten Jahren um 125 Milliarden Dollar erweitern. Um die Fehler im Zuge der COVID-19 Pandemie nicht zu wiederholen, bei der durch den ungleichen Zugang zu COVID-19-Impfstoffen im Jahr 2021 schätzungsweise 1,3 Millionen Menschen starben, sollten ein gleicher und gerechter Zugang zu Impfstoffen im Rahmen des neuen Pandemie-Abkommens festgehalten werden. Dazu gehört auch, dass die Impfstoffproduktion in Niedrigeinkommensländern stattfindet.
Dekarbonisierung des Gesundheitssektors: Der Gesundheitssektor kann eine wesentlich größere Rolle in der globalen Reduzierung von Emissionen spielen. Dies könnte durch die Verringerung direkter Emissionen gelingen, die bei der Stromproduktion entstehen, welche von Gesundheitseinrichtungen bezogen werden. Darüber hinaus können Emissionen, die während der Herstellung von im Gesundheitssektor genutzten Produkten anfallen, reduziert werden. Auch der nachhaltige Bau von Gesundheitseinrichtungen kann zur Emissionsreduzierung beitragen. Gesundheitsanbieter können ebenfalls durch gemeinschaftliche Beschaffungsentscheidungen ihre Einkaufsmacht vereinen, um so eine gebündelte Nachfrage nach nachhaltig produzierten Waren und Dienstleistungen schaffen.
Gesundheit als Prioritätsbereich im Rahmen der COP28 setzt einen zentralen Impuls für eine rasche und dauerhafte Reduktion der Emissionen und Beschleunigung der nötigen Klimaanpassungsstrategien im Gesundheitsbereich. Es gilt zu verhindern, dass klimabedingte Todesfälle ungehindert ansteigen und eine lebenswerte Zukunft in klimavulnerablen Ländern zunehmend in weite Ferne rückt.
SID with support of the Heinrich Boll Foundation Nairobi, and in partnership with Strathmore University Energy Research Centre held an open and enlightening Public Energy Futures Forum on 17th November 2023, discussing the complexities of Kenya's energy and climate landscapes; the impact of high energy costs on economic growth, and the pathways to address these issues with the screening of Energy for Whom Futures Animations inspiring the conversations which focus on the role of sustainable energy education, carbon markets initiatives, finance and decarbonizing the transport sector.
Uganda’s pro-evangelical leadership has maintained a hardliner moralist stance against cultures and behaviours considered immoral and contrary to religious principles. So, the county has enacted several laws to restrict among other things, relations between members of the same sex.
The annual “Nyege Nyege” festival is one such event which has been attacked by moralists, including most recently, the speaker of Uganda’s parliament, who once ordered for it to be cancelled. In 2023 however, many are shocked to see the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni come out to defend and promote the event which moralists characterised as an event that promotes homosexuality, immorality and other “evil” practices.
The festival draws thousands of local and international tourists who attend the 5-day event to celebrate music, food and culture. In recent years, it has grown to become one of Uganda’s headline tourist attractions of the year. As the Ugandan economy emerges from the impacts of Covid-19 on tourism, the government has chosen to fully support the event to boost tourism in the country.
The 2023 Nyege Nyege festival comes at a time when Uganda is on high alert for terrorism from several groups including the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebels who operate out of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The rebel group has carried out several attacks in Uganda in 2023 including recently burning school children in a dormitory.
“The security forces are guarding the public functions like the Nyege Nyege,” Museveni said in an official letter to the nation. His assurances followed official communication from both the UK and US governments, warning their citizens to keep away from the festival in 2023 as it was prone to terrorist attacks. The Ugandan government, wary of losing millions in revenue, guaranteed the security for tourists.
Revellers attending the Nyege Nyege festival seem less worried about the concerns for security. Many are excited about the several attractions at the festival which takes place in Jinja, a city along the banks of the river Nile.
Bate Paul, a local businessman in Kampala attending the festival, said: “We just want to have fun and party. We work so hard throughout the year and deserve to spend time relaxing, enjoying good food, drinks and company.”
Sheillah Abaho is a Uganda writer based in Kampala.
sheilaabaho2@gmail.com
Scholarship on autocratisation has investigated the strategies of cooptation and repression that autocratic and autocratising regimes employ to maintain and enhance their power. However, it has barely explored how civil society reacts to these strategies. Concurrently, the existing research on civil society and social movements mostly suggests that civil society organisations (CSOs) will either resist autocratic repression or disband because of it, thereby often neglecting the possibility of CSOs’ adaptation to autocratic constraints. In this article, I seek to bridge these theoretical gaps with empirical evidence from Cambodia. I argue that for CSOs that operate in autocratic and autocratising regimes allowing themselves to become coopted by the regime can constitute a deliberate strategy to avoid repression, secure their survival, and exert social and political influence. However, while this strategy often seems to be effective in allowing CSOs to survive and escape large-scale repression, its success in enabling civil society to exert social and political influence remains limited, owing to structural limitations embedded in the autocratic context. Moreover, CSOs’ acceptance of cooptation often enhances divisions within civil society.
There is no doubt in international discourse that development finance must improve in order to become commensurate with current crises. The climate crisis, the erosion of biodiversity, the lingering impact of Covid-19 and wars are issues that transcend national borders, all too often with global impacts. The international community is far from fulfilling its ambitions. That became soberingly evident in this year’s half-time stock-taking of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). SDG1, the eradication of extreme poverty, has probably become unachievable by 2030.
Sabine Balk 26.07.2023 Sustainable Development Goals "almost unachievable"To get as close to the goals as possible, countries with low average incomes need more loans and more concessional money from multilateral development banks. It is therefore good news that the World Bank and regional development banks recently agreed to improve cooperation, expand financial capacities and act in a faster and more flexible manner.
The World Bank is the largest of these institutions and therefore matters in particular. It is often perceived as too bureaucratic, inflexible and cautious. Shareholders including the USA and Germany launched its reform process last year. The standard bearer of change is Ajay Banga, who became the Bank’s president in June. He spelled out his vision at the annual meetings of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in Morocco in October. The core mission is still to fight poverty and boost prosperity, but the newly declared aspiration is to make that happen “on a liveable planet”. Banga thus wants to pay more attention to the above-mentioned global challenges. In his eyes, they blend into one another and cannot be distinguished precisely.
Hans Dembowski 05.03.2023 Biden’s interesting choice for the World Bank’s top jobThat is true. The big global crises are indeed mutually reinforcing. The climate crisis threatens food security; environmental destruction makes pandemics more likely; wars displace masses of people and can lead to rising food and energy prices. Getting a grip on one crisis thus helps to contain others. Synergies of this kind must be grasped.
So yes, the World Bank should indeed respond to crises in a comprehensive manner. It would also do well to mobilise more funding and to allocate resources faster. Banga’s plans include somewhat more risky operations and more leveraging of private-sector investments. Success would make the World Bank a role model for other multilateral institutions.
Jürgen Zattler Hans Dembowski 06.04.2023 What the World Bank must do betterQuite obviously, low-income countries must get more money, both from established economic powers and the emerging markets that are now on the threshold of high-income status, as China is, for example. Low-income countries’ worries are growing faster than their economies. They did not cause problems like global heating, so they deserve support from those who are responsible. Options include multilateral and bilateral approaches.
A first measure of Banga’s success will be whether he can mobilise more money for the World Bank. Low-income countries find the next replenishment of IDA, the International Development Association, particularly important. This branch of the World Bank Group finances projects in countries with a gross national income per capita of $ 1,315 or less. In the period 2022 to 2025, IDA has $ 93 billion. How much money will be available in the next period will be decided in 2024. Banga needs a record sum.
Even if he gets it, however, it will not suffice to close SDG funding gaps. According to the UN, developing countries face a financing gap of $ 4 trillion for relevant investments. Moreover, almost 40 % of the countries concerned are struggling with serious debt problems. More funding is needed from strong economies and the private sector. Moreover, excessive debts must be restructured in a fair manner, so disadvantaged countries get real development opportunities.
José Siaba Serrate 08.05.2023 Economies in limboYou might also like
In March, high-income countries averted global banking crisisJörg Döbereiner is a member of D+C/E+Z’s editorial team.
euz.editor@dandc.eu
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted and exacerbated a plethora of fissures within society, and between society and nature. In its wake, there is a consensual recognition that the world is living through an era of severe multiple crises. In this complex context, the One Health approach has been adopted as the conceptual and policy framework for meeting the lofty aim of strengthen pandemic prevention, preparedness, and response, with the intent to avoid the sort of calamitous dynamic of COVID-19 in the future. But there are legitimate concerns on the way and manner that the approach is currently being unfurled, as being undesirably more anthropogenic than the biocentric logic which is at the core of its conceptualization. Through an overview of the new sciences emerged in the wake of increasing evidence that human activities are driving the world to the tipping edge of catastrophe, this article advocates for Structural One Health as the strategy that could provide the alternative vision needed, coupled with the call for financial justice and democratic mobilization.
Though Zambia has made progress in diversifying its export sector, it is still dependent on its copper exports. The implication is that Zambia’s economy only does well when the copper price is high and can become sluggish when it drops. Thus, it was bad news when the world market price started to slide fast last summer. It did not recover fully, so this autumn, the Ministry of Finance expected gross domestic product to grow by a mere 2.7 % in 2023 after 4.7 % in 2022.
Peter Mulenga Chibvalo Zombe Charles Chinanda 03.01.2023 Copper price determines economic fateThis trend shows that Zambia’s trade needs to shift its focus away from mining. It must generate more foreign-exchange revenues from other industries, including manufacturing, agriculture, information and communication technology (ICT), energy and tourism. Achieving that will require policies to open the economy to more international trade.
In this context, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) should prove most helpful. The AfCFTA is set to become the world’s largest free trade area, covering all members of the AU. The mandate is to boost intra-African trade by eliminating barriers and encouraging African businesses to pay much more attention to their own continent. A better investment climate will then drive industrialisation. Moreover, the intra-African market can also drive the development of a strong service sector, including in fields like the financial industry or education.
It is important to understand that stronger intra-African trade relations will not only serve large corporations. The opportunities for micro, small and mid-sized enterprises will improve too. They can become integrated into supply chains, with positive impacts on productivity and value generation. Foreign trade can thus also contribute to formalising the informal sector which hardly pays taxes, provides very little social protection and keeps masses of people stuck in poverty.
Serious debt issuesZambia’s lingering debt crisis makes the increased generation of foreign-exchange revenues even more important. As the economy depends on copper exports, the exchange rate of the nation’s currency responds to changing copper prices. It becomes less valuable as copper becomes cheaper. Accordingly, the servicing of debt which is denominated in foreign currencies becomes more expensive precisely when copper-export revenues decline.
Unfortunately, foreign debt can even prove excessive when copper prices are rising as was the case three years ago. In late 2020, Zambia’s government went into sovereign default. Negotiations on an IMF bailout proved very difficult, particularly because China was unwilling to agree to debt restructuring. This summer, a comprehensive bailout worth $ 6.3 billion finally came about but it only included rather limited debt relief and demands strict budget discipline. Zambia did not get a clean slate, but will have to start servicing outstanding debts as soon as the economy recovers enough for doing so.
Peter Mulenga Chibvalo Zombe Charles Chinanda 20.12.2022 New money helps bail out bankrupt stateYou might also like
Copper price determines economic fateThe AfCFTA can positively contribute to the responding to Zambia’s debt problems by triggering international investment and economic expansion throughout the region. Zambia ratified the AfCFTA Agreement in early 2021 and is now implementing the agreement. Economic theory and historical evidence show that small nations with comparatively small markets benefit from open trade in particular. According to worldometer, only seven of 55 AU members have populations of more than 50 million. Given that purchasing power tends to be low in Africa, the continent’s markets are comparatively tiny.
Zambia has long been a member of both SADC (Southern African Development Community) and COMESA (Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa). Sadly, Zambia’s overlapping membership has made things more complicated. It is therefore good news that AfCFTA is being built on the foundations of all existing regional communities in Africa – and not only for Zambia. All African countries will benefit from stimulating production through the development of regional value chains.
Beaulah N. Chombo is an economist and works at the Zambia Development Agency.
beaulahchombo27@gmail.com
From 1st of December 2023 to November 2024, Brazil will take on the rotating presidency of the Group of 20 (G20), which now actually comprises 21 members, following the admission of the African Union at the last summit in India.
The Brazilian government will therefore be responsible for organising the summit of heads of state and government as well as the G20 ministerial meetings in 2024. Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is hoping to make the G20 presidency a foreign-policy milestone that will cement Brazil’s return to the international stage following the isolationist government of his right-wing extremist predecessor, Jair Bolsonaro.
André de Mello e Souza 14.05.2023 The Yanomami are dying, and their blood is on Bolsonaro's handsThe main duty of the presidency is to steer the agendas of working groups, task forces and initiatives. It also includes the establishment of a series of so-called engagement groups, which lend a voice to representatives from business (B20), labour (L20), science (S20), women (W20), youth (Y20) and civil-society organisations (C20). The Brazilian government is preparing an eventful programme for 2024 in 15 cities, culminating in the summit in Rio de Janeiro on 18 and 19 November 2024.
A difficult consensus-building processBrazil is assuming the G20 presidency at a time in which geopolitical fragmentation and the formation of political blocs is making political consensus building more difficult within the international community, as the last G20 summit in India showed.
Maintaining the relevancy of the G20 is the main task of 2024. The G20 brings together both the emerging economies that make up the BRICS group and the industrialised nations that form the Group of 7 (G7). China recently achieved an expansion of BRICS, despite scepticism from India and Brazil, and boycotted the last G20 summit in India. It will be a significant challenge for Brazilian diplomacy to deliver tangible and relevant results and build consensus.
In India, Lula da Silva announced the following priorities:
In particular, Brazil has long advocated for the UN Security Council to admit new permanent members. The Brazilian presidency offers an opportunity to promote these reforms, especially against the backdrop of geopolitical restructuring due to Russia’s attack on Ukraine, China’s new role as an emerging power and the paralysis and mutual blockade of Security Council veto powers in response to the terrorist attacks by Hamas and Israel’s military occupation of the Gaza Strip.
In some ways, Brazil could proceed differently and more innovatively than its predecessors. For example, Lula da Silva is striving for a G20 process with social participation. A social summit is planned to take place in the immediate run-up to the G20 summit in November 2024. It would mark a significant change. The G20 process has never offered much room for civil society involvement. Only a few non-state actors have participated in meetings in the past.
Particularly with regard to global economic and financial systems, Brazil wants to open up discussions to civil society and other actors organised in the engagement groups. They are supposed to enter into direct dialogue with the group of Sherpas (who work as mediators on behalf of foreign ministries to steer the G20 process and negotiate final declarations) and contribute their own policy statements.
Brazil’s priorities align with the principles of a just transition, which also guide German development cooperation. Therefore, the Brazilian presidency offers Germany an opportunity to promote these issues internationally and through dialogue.
Luiz Ramalho is an independent development consultant and former GIZ senior manager.
ramalho.berlin@gmail.com
As part of the Civil Society Financing for Development (FfD) Mechanism, SID joins members of the Global Alliance for Tax Justice (GATJ) in celebrating the historic outcome of today’s vote and acknowledge the leadership role of the African Group in promoting the reform process of the global tax system in the United Nations on equal footing.
Link to press release: https://globaltaxjustice.org/news/historic-un-tax-vote-a-tremendous-win-for-africa-and-the-global-fight-for-tax-justice/
São Paulo, 22 November 2023 – In a historic vote at the United Nations today, a majority of UN Member States decided to start the negotiation of a UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation through a process where all countries participate as equals. While a group of mainly OECD countries voted against the resolution, it was adopted by a majority of 125 countries.
In reaction, Dereje Alemayehu, Executive Coordinator of the Global Alliance for Tax Justice (GATJ), said:
“The Global Alliance for Tax Justice would like to express its strongest support for the majority decision to start the negotiation of a UN Convention on Tax. The Africa Group has once again displayed a determined leadership role by submitting the resolution that was adopted in today’s vote, and overcoming enormous pressure from those who are determined to keep international tax rule making and standard setting in non-inclusive forums outside the UN. GATJ would like to commend the Africa Group for its steadfastness in leading this resolution through different phases of negotiation.
“The wide support the African Group resolution found among the countries of the Global South shows that there is a broad recognition of the UN as the only global forum where they can defend their interests and rights in a transparent process. This is a reflection of the disappointing experience countries of the Global South share in other processes outside UN, in which their global taxing rights are sidelined. The majoirty of countries in the Global South have come a long way together to get to this stage; they should march together to the finishing line by working as a group for the successful conclusion of the UN mandate and the adoption of a new UN Convention on Tax.
“The outcome of today’s vote firmly brings back issues of international tax cooperation to the UN as the only forum to make it fully inclusive and effective. We thus call on all countries to support and engage in the upcoming UN process to deliver a UN Convention on Tax.”
Chenai Mukumba, Executive Director of Tax Justice Network Africa (TJNA), and member of the Coordination Commitee of GATJ said:
“We wish to congratulate the African Group for remaining resolute in pushing this through the UN negotiation. It is driven by its commitment to reform the global tax system by forging the unity of developing countries. It is now incumbent on all governments to support the work of the UN in its historic effort to correct the imbalances that currently exist. It is high time that the current tax system, which remains ineffective, exclusive and accommodating only of the interests of a few is replaced by effective and inclusive international tax cooperation.”
Luis Moreno, Representative of Red de Justicia Fiscal de América Latina y el Caribe (RJFALC) and Chair of the Coordination Committee of the Global Alliance for Tax Justice (GATJ), said:
“We welcome historic outcome of today’s vote and acknowledge the leadership role of the African Group in promoting the reform process of the global tax system in the United Nations on equal footing. This will also help promote the restructuring of the entire economic and fiscal structure that basically work in favour of small group of countries benefiting from the current system and keen to maintain this dominance. Countries in Latin America and the Caribbean should not waiver in this struggle to get rid of a dysfuctional and obselte international tax system. They should play an active part to facilitate the work of the UN because this is the only way to stop profit shifting and Illicit Financial Flows from the Global South.”
Jeannie Manipon, Coordinator of the Tax and Fiscal Justice Asia (TAFJA) and member of the Coordination Committee of GATJ said:
“TAFJA has been campaining for a UN Tax Convention by mobilising its constituens. It now joins other members of the Global Alliance in expressing its full support to the upcoming UN negotiation to deliver the world’s first truly global agreement on tax. It is unacceptable that rules and norms established at the beginning of the last century still serve as the basis for international tax system. It continues to enable big corporations and wealthy individuals to hide wealth and shift profits with impunity. This architecture is obsolete beyond repair and should be overhauled from bottom to top. Only a member state-led intergovernmental negation at the UN can pave the way for inclusive and effective international tax cooperation and a UN framework tax convention. The vast majority of Asian countries are at the receiving end of this unfair tax system. Therefore, they should support the work of the UN to pave the way to a new era in international tax governance and ensure fair and equitable distribution of taxing rights”.
About the Global Alliance for Tax JusticeThe Global Alliance for Tax Justice (GATJ) is a South-led global coalition in the tax justice movement. Together we work for a world where progressive and redistributive tax policies counteract inequalities within and between countries, and generate the public funding needed to ensure essential services and human rights. Created in 2013, GATJ comprises regional tax justice networks in Asia (Tax & Fiscal Justice Asia), Africa (Tax Justice Network Africa), Latin America (Red de Justicia Fiscal de América Latina y el Caribe), Europe (Tax Justice-Europe) and North America (Canadians for Tax Fairness & FACT Coalition), collectively representing hundreds of organizations.
Media contact: info@globaltaxjustice.org
About CS FfD Mechanism:The Civil Society Financing for Development Mechanism is a coalition of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), advocacy groups, and civil society organizations (CSOs) that collaborates and engages in discussions and initiatives related to financing for development (FfD) space at the UN as the official Civil Society Mechanism. This group plays a vital role in influencing policies, advocating for equitable and sustainable financing practices, and ensuring that the financing strategies and decisions made at international forums are aligned with the needs and priorities of diverse communities worldwide. The group contributes expertise, perspectives, and recommendations to advance inclusive and effective financing mechanisms for development goals, often participating in global dialogues such as those held primarily within the United Nations as the only truly inclusive and democratic space where every nation stands on equal footing.
About the UN General Assembly’s 2nd Committee:The UN General Assembly’s 2nd Committee is a crucial body within the United Nations system, focusing primarily on economic and financial matters, sustainable development, and global issues related to poverty eradication. Comprising all UN member states, this committee deliberates on policies, resolutions, and initiatives aimed at fostering international economic cooperation, promoting sustainable development goals, and addressing challenges related to global finance, trade, and socio-economic progress. Its discussions and decisions significantly influence the UN’s agenda regarding economic and social development worldwide.
Important Links:-ENDS-
Nairobi RomeWe witnessed a pivotal moment in the ongoing negotiations among UN Member States aimed at fostering inclusive and effective international tax cooperation with the intervention of Pooja Rangaprasad, Director of Policy and Advocacy at Financing for Development (FfD), SID as part of the event hosted by the Civil Society Financing for Development (FfD) Mechanism, in collaboration with the Global Alliance for Tax Justice.
The event, which drew global media attention, underscored the critical juncture in discussions leading up to the successful November 22nd deadline. At the forefront is the Africa Group’s draft resolution advocating for a UN tax convention, seeking to redefine and fortify international tax mechanisms for a more equitable global landscape.
Rangaprasad's intervention resonated profoundly, shedding light on the challenges faced by nations attempting to implement tax legislation. Her insights highlighted a recurring issue where countries, even when endeavoring to enact national-level tax laws, encounter legal battles initiated by powerful corporations. This dynamic has presented a substantial barrier to effective taxation and revenue generation.
The discussions held amid this pivotal moment spotlight the urgency and necessity of inclusive and equitable tax structures. The efforts of advocates for tax justice like Pooja Rangaprasad serve as catalysts for reshaping international tax cooperation. Their advocacy aims to create a more just and balanced system that empowers nations, particularly those in the Global South, to develop sustainably and independently.
The Society for International Development remains committed to fostering dialogue and collaboration towards achieving these crucial milestones in global economic governance.
To learn more about the historic Resolution's voting results please read here.
In 2013, nobody could believe that the old identarian Apulian trees—the symbol of beauty and the building block of the local economy—were rapidly drying and dying because they had been hit by a new pathogen that had never colonized Italy and its olive trees before. But the story of Xylella fastidiosa—the bacterium that has dramatically affected the landscapes and livelihoods of the Apulia Region (in Southern Italy) for the last ten years—is a textbook example of the parallel kinetics that determine the routes of diseases in plants and human beings alike. In drawing a very efficacious comparison between the olive plants’ disease in the fields and the COVID-19 disease in human bodies, the account explains the wide-ranging consequence of natural calamities and their origins in human actions and choices. Xylella fastidiosa still menaces olive trees in Apulia, and other countries in Europe, but in ten years it has triggered off the collective psychosis of local communities, still under shock. A stark reminder that nature is not disposable and that humans are intimately connected with it.